"What we do is assert our true power.
"When the First American Constitution was
written, it rooted itself in certain principles, which principles today
are all the legal prededent we need to do the same act again - to write
a Second American Constituion.
"We are the source from which the power of
any sitting government is derived. This is first elaborated in
the Declaration of Independence, wherein it is stated that the only just powers of a
government come from the consent of the governed. This ideal was
later embodied in the First American Constitution, in between two
secure bookends. In the Preamble, it is stated that: We the People...do ordain and establish
this Constitution. Then in the last (the 10th) of the Bill
of Rights (sometimes called the reserve clause) it is stated that:
rights and powers not expressly delegated are reserved to the People.
"No where in the First American
Constitution does it speak of the creation of a whole new Constitution,
but only of the amendment of the existing one. This being
the case, then clearly the power to completely replace the original
with a Second American Constitution, is among those powers and rights
which were not delegated and therefore are reserved to the People.
"What this means is that we possess the
power (which we must seize and exercise) to change all the rules that
have been used and abused by the lords of finance. We could, for
example, change the underlying laws that have been abused to declare
that corporations are persons. We could, for example, insist that
all legislation have only one purpose and that the name of that
legislation accurately reflect its purpose (no calling an act lessening
the air quality standards, a clean air act, for example). We
could require that all government employees, especially all elected
officials, can only have the same retirement and medical benefits as
ordinary people have. We could create a third legislative house,
whose sole purpose was to undo legislation. We could require that
the public airways be devoted in prime time to keeping an eye on public
officials. We could, we could, and we could....
"Is this a daunting task? Yes it
is. We stand on almost the same ground as did those who
wrote and signed the Declaration, and who ended this document with this
pledge: And for the support of this
Declaration,
with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we
mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred
Honor.
"Their lives were by this act made at
risk. Can we do anything less?
"Our advantage is that we can see that in
spite of all the seeming obstacles, they very nearly succeeded.
Now history comes around again, and says to us: Time to make the next step, having learned
from the past, the errors made by those who went before. Honor
them in all things, especially by taking up their work and moving it
forward - the work of once more seeking to answer the question: How
does a free people govern themselves?"
*
* *
A couple of small comments: a number
of people, with whom I have discussed this idea, have thought that such
a process would take too long, which is true in a sense. It would
probably take a couple of decades before we were actually able to write
and to ratify a Second Constitution. People want something that
works now, and I don't blame them at all. However, I am convinced
it will work miracles before it is ratified, so if you can wait a
minute before I begin the main text, let me explain how this would be
so.
The first miracle is for people to realize
we have such power. In the present there is among many a great
feeling of powerlessness, and this in itself is not healthy for our
public life. With this idea, if we really recognize its truth, we
can come to understand that this is the primal power of governance, and
with it we can trump any excesses of corporations or political
parties. We can rewrite the war making power. We can make
corporations no longer able to be considered as having any kind of
personhood or civil rights. There are really no limits, although
it would be best if we were to take the time, take a couple of decades
and really discuss this before writing it and before ratifying
it. It is something that demands a great deal of careful thought.
That said, what about the present?
Consider the craft of politics
today. I say craft and not art, because it is far too clever and
self serving to be art, which latter is at its best when it is wise and
selfless.
As a craft a great deal of effort is
expended in what are called focus groups to find just those words with
the right emotional hooks that the politician can use to manipulated
us. Following the self serving sciences developed for
advertising, which are hardly concerned at alll with the truth, the
modern political operative seeks to discover uses of language which
lets him lie, spin, mis-direct, and otherwise fool the general public
into believing what is not true, so that politicians can gain
power. Out of this research into how the general public (or
particular sub-groups) use words, the speeches and platforms are, in
very calculated ways, constructed in order to make us believe something
entirely different from what politicians actually do; and, to drive us
apart (divide and conquor) by creating wedge issues (gay rights,
abortion etc), whose purpose is to set us one against the other.
We can learn to see
through this mirage of words by judging politicians not by their words,
but only by their deeds.
When people start to come to terms with
the idea of writing a Second American Constitution, all of a sudden the
depth of the public conversation will change. Right now it is
illusory, superficial and manipulative. But once "We the People"
start to look at the fundamental questions of the nature of government,
and the needs of a free people, then our dialogs will change.
Instead of the politician determining the
content of the political dialog, the people determine it.
This itself is an even greater power than
the vote, and was assumed by such as Jefferson to be the main way in
which citizens participated in the government. Once we start to
consider a Second Constitution, we wrest from the politician the nature
of the dialog, for each step we take in appreciating the fundament
issues, such as the relationship between our freedoms and centralized
federal powers (the more centralized federal power, the less personal
liberty), we create a way to measure more accurately the deeds and even
the words of the politicians.
Imagine, for example, what will happen
when focus groups bring this self determined political intelligence
into the conversation. All of a sudden, it is not how we can be
emotionally hooked, but how it is that the politician is going to have
to change what he is doing, otherwise his public is going to see
through all the smoke and mirrors.
Lincoln said: "you can fool some of the
people some of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but
you can't fool all of the people all of the time". The money
powers and their servant politicians have gone too far now, and once we
take hold of this idea that we are the ultimate political power, they
are going to be falling all over themselves to start to do a better
job. We just have to be relentless, and never buy any of the
arguments they throw at us, suggesting we can't or shouldn't write a
Second American Constitution. We get to do what we in our best
judgment decide. They work for us, not the other way around.
In this way we now fully enter into a new
era in American politics, which I have elsewhere named: Citizen Governance.
"·
1/6 to 1/5 of the
world
is the Golden billion who use 80% of the world’s resources.
·
1/6 of world
population
is starving – app. 1 billion.
·
2/6 of the world
population is between the rich and poor but struggle to join the rich.
·
2/6 of world
population
lives on app. 3 dollars a day.
So 20 % of
the population use 80% of resources
80% of the population use 20 % of resources.
The 400 richest
have as much wealth as 2½ billion people which is almost half
the world
population. It is important to feel
what this means – not just
to
understand it." (1)
This condition needs
to be understood, not just be a matter of concern. In
understanding it - in appreciating this condition's biography (its
story
or history) - we arrive at a much more healthy way of changing it.
*
* *
Let's make a long story short (sort of). The First
American
Constitution arose out of very particular circumstances. For many
centuries, human beings had been living in social structures mostly
characterized by top down hierarchical forms of rule - that is the rule
of Kings and Queens, or what can be called: aristocracies of
blood. With the discovery of the Americas, a certain reaching of
these powers into the Western Hemisphere was accompanied by another
gesture - a fleeing of various kinds of oppression. While the
upper classes (the aristocracy of blood) sought wealth and power in the
new lands, many of the lower classes sought, in this same place,
freedom from religious and
social oppression.
After a time, the English aristocracy, under the
leadership
of King George III, became more and more repressive of the Colonists,
which
eventually was to
result in the Declaration of Independence, the American Revolution,
and then the First American Constitution - or the first iteration of an
effort to answer the question: How
does a free people govern itself?
Thus was the American Republic born, although its span of
life was short. Some will think we still have this Republic, but
in reality it has passed into myth, albeit, a myth that still yet might
have a
viable future.
During the Constitutional Convention, a battle was waged
between those deeper (more moral?) thinkers who knew what was at stake
in the
creation of the Republic, and those who sought to make sure that the
claimed rights of wealth would not be lost. The powers of
concentrated wealth won significant compromises, such that the
Republic, as it was imagined by the wisest, only lasted at most until
the Civil
War. By the time of the Civil War, the successor to the
aristocracies of blood - an aristocracy of wealth - had begun to
dominate
through its ability to corrupt human nature. We will have more to
say on this corruption of human nature later.
For example, a battle broke out between Lincoln and the
bankers over the
financing of the Civil War. Because of their seeking unjustified
levels
of interest (about 28%), Lincoln turned away from borrowing from the
banks, and issued what were called Lincoln Greebacks, the first Federal
currency. Before this, the only currencies were called species, and were issued by the
banks themselves. While Lincoln won the battle, we lost the war.
The banks did not trust (with some justification)
political
control over the more arcane matters of finance. Moreover, the
banking alliances and families, being international in scope, shared a
common interest in managing political matters so that markets could be
kept stable, and the rules of finance and banking kept advantageous for
those who were accumulating (concentrating) wealth. The
maintainence and furthering of the powers and privileges of wealth were
the highest priority, and behind the scenes of history they have acted
primarily for their own benefit. As the 19th Century moved on
into the 20th, an axis of wealth, between the beginning to fail British
Empire, and the emerging economic powers in America, was formed.
Most political decisions, in the so-called Western democracies, have
from that time forward been made for the benefit of these elites of
concentrated wealth, while at the same time the story told to the
public has from that
same time largely been a series of fabrications - a sequence of
intentionally created myths in which the ordinary people are made to
live, so that the descent of the yoke of their economic oppresssion
would
not be
seen.
The tyranny of concentrated wealth that took over Western
Civilization at the beginning of the 20th Century knew that it had to
hide itself as much as possible, although it often was, at the same
time, a very open conspiracy. (2)
Let us now look at some events in America in this last
(the
20th) Century:
The science of economics, as it developed during the 19th
Century, was originally called political
economy, recognizing that governments had great (perhaps, in the
view of some - too much) influence. This developing science
recognized that governments, due to their natural sovereignty,
possessed
two primary powers of the political
economy. These are the Taxing and Spending Power
(government taxes us and spends the taxes, which amounts of wealth are
so large, they are a big influence on the economy), and the Monetary
Power (power to issue currency - expand and contract the money supply,
and to control
interest rates).
Now in the ideal of the American Republic, it was not the
government
that was sovereign, but rather the people, who made a limited grant of
aspects
of that primal power to the government via the National and
the various State constitutions. Even so, the corrupting power of
the tyranny
of concentrated wealth was so strong, that in the second decade of the
20th Century, the banks (and their wealthy family allies) were able to
cause the Congress of the United States to create the Federal Reserve
Banking system. When you see through all the myths around
this action, what essentially happened was that the sovereign Monetary
power of the American People, once exercised through their federal
goverment, was stolen by the private banks.
There is nothing Federal at all about the Federal Reserve
Banking system, other than the name. These are private
banks, who were given by the enacting legislation, extra-constitutional
powers over the money supply and interest rates. Charles
Lindberg's father, saw the truth here, and wrote a couple of small
books attempting to make the America People aware of this usupration of
their sovereignty. He was arrested for sedition, and the plates
from which the books were to be printed were destroyed. In this
way the English-American financial establishment gave birth to Central
Banking, a process by which many of the economic aspects of national
sovereignty all over the world has
been subsequently stolen by these same powers.
Since that time, in various meetings often held in the
open
(Brenton Woods etc.) the financial establishment determined the
economic rules under which the rest of us are forced to live, without
our knowledge and consent (the truth and its consequences are never
honestly
stated). The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the WTO
(World Trade Organization), GATT
(general agreement on tariff and trade), NAFTA (north american free
trade agreement), and the failed (for a time) MAI (multilaterial
agreement on investments) are all efforts to take more and more
national sovereignty from the Peoples in the Western Democracies, and
the Third World, and invest that sovereignty in International Banking
and Financial Corporations (and their owners - the lords of finance)
through trade agreements.
Trade agreements, under the U.S. Constitution, are to be
reviewed by the Congress (advise and consent), as a check and balance
on the power of the executive, which itself is given sole power to make
treaties. Yet, under the modern conditions of the ongoing
corruption of Congress (lobbyists and Corporations now write the
legislation meant to govern their activities) a law was passed for
"fast tracking" trade agreements, which means that the normal process
of review is eliminated, and Congress must agree within a very limited
time. Thus, under this succession of trade agreements, more and
more of our sovereign power has been given away to private
international bodies, such as the World Trade Organization. Like
the theft of our sovereignty, which arose with the Federal Reserve Act,
a new economic feudalism is being
given birth, and we (the ordinary people) are meant to be its peasant
class.
In fact, Americans are the peasant class with the
greatest
standard of living (for the present, this will soon end) in
history. We have been seduced with comforts and material goods,
all the while our economic freedom has been a well sculpted
illusion. The free market is really only free for the wealthy,
and even for them, it is a dog eat dog world. Why peasant
class? Because peasants work for their masters, own nothing and
have no choice in the making of the rules. Don't believe me
- wait until you read what comes next.
*
* *
The tyranny of concentrated wealth has made the rules,
and
then hidden the true meaning of the rules from us. They not only
have taken into themselves all manner of our sovereign powers, but by
the
irresponsible corruption of our public life (politics), they have been
able to organize our life in ways that we wouldn't accept if the real
choices were placed before us. We need to remember that these
social/financial arrangements are not the only possibilities, but are
rather the rules of the game that most benefit the financial elites,
who have essentially owned our National and State govenments for most
all of
the 20th
Century.
The so-called two party system is an illusion, for on
fundamental economic matters, the two parties - the Republicans and the
Democrats - are seldom, if ever, in disagreement.
Let's look at the present realities - it took a while to
create this situation - the finanacial elites think long term:
The America dollar
that we spend no longer is rooted in anything real (Nixon got us off
the gold standard - while before him there was a time one could go to a
bank with a silver certificate, and actually demand precious metal in
exchange for the paper). When the economy needs more currency,
the Federal Reserve Banks tell the Treasury to print more money.
This fake money is given to the seven Central Banks, who then loan it
to
other banks (at very agreeable rates of interest). This money is
all air - it represents nothing real.
The banks then loan us
the fake money via the credit card gambit (a game played on us).
We spend the money on consumer goods and other necessary services
(healthcare etc.), and while we often get an object (whose value falls
to nothing almost immediately - who buys used electronics for example),
what we really acquire is debt. We consume based upon borrowed
money, and the most permanent value is the debt, which the banks buy
and sell among each other, and for which they charge huge (usurious -
credit card transactions are immune from usury regulation)
amounts of
interest. The money we spend goes to Corporations (the creators,
supposedly, of the goods - our labor contribution is far under valued
in comparison, for example) and to the owers - shareholders - of the
Corporations.
At present, in the
total world economy, 99% of the wealth is fake, due to the dominance of
Central Banking all over the world. That is the wealth is not
based upon the creation of real products and services, but rather on
the
infusion out of Central Banks of money without a real basis. It
is a great big three shells and a pea game. The money only
represents counters that leads to power (through the acquisition of
debt) and control. For example, the World Bank loans vast sums of
fake money to Third World countries only if those countries will give
away national sovereignty over their local economic conditions to the
World Bank.
To sum up: fake money
goes through our hands, as if we were a passive tube for its flow, and
ends up in the proft statements of Corporations and their few owners
(the 400 richest, for example). We get goods with little real
long term value, and a great deal of debt, which debt forces us to
continue to work (just think of the crap that Corporations force their
workers to take). We no longer live in a time when it would have
been possible to even grow our own food, and we must have money to buy
food for our families. To get this money to buy food, which is
necessary for life, we have to work. The work we do is done under
circumstances in which all the advantage is in favor of our corporate
employers (the effort to create a counter-balance in unions has
essentially failed).
For example, we
believe we have free speech in this country, but we can be fired from
work for our words. We believe we are safe from search and
seizure of the State, but the Corporation can invade all our privacies
at work. The bill of rights basically ends at the door to the
work place.
What we have is the
owning of our soul by the company
store on a very large scale. So large in fact is this
company store, that we
don't notice it. We can look at the Third World, and see, in
their working for pennies a day to make our sneakers, the same thing on
a different scale. The only difference between us and the Third
World is the so-called standard of living, but that is won at a moral
cost whose price we will soon be forced to pay (most Americans are
among the 20% that consumes 80% of the world's resources).
America's
debt is not owned by Americans, but by international financial
institutions and families, and under the current economic insanity of
the 2nd Bush administration, our First World status is more and more at
risk.
For example, as I
write this the Bush administration, under the lie that it is going to
reform and save Social Security, is getting ready to fund a change in
the rules by borrowing a couple trillion dollars (our children will owe
this debt). The main reason the rules are being changed is to
permit investment in the stock market (which market is really just a
gambling institution), not so that we have a better investment, but so
that the financial institutions that run and rule the stock market can
have access to these monies in order to siphon off their profits.
For those who say: well, I own my own home, I would
suggest you are not paying attention. The bank owns your home,
and as long as you pay the interest and the principle, you get to live
in it. Just remember that during the last serious depression the
banks took it all back. Moreover, if you are presently in a
situation where you didn't get a fixed rate mortgage, boy are you in
trouble now. And not only the bank, but more and more local
governments, using a really weird interpretation of eminent domain, are now taking
houses from people so that Corporations can build on our land their own
businesses, thus creating a property that provides greater tax revenue
to the local
government. If the bank can take your home, and the State can
take your home, you don't own it.
The matter to keep
formost in mind is that the truths of economic reality are not
stated. Instead we live in well constructed and calculated
myths. The tyranny of concentrated wealth only serves itself, and
it needs us not to notice, or if we notice our troubles, to blame
everyone but them. Remember, they control all major media, and
they have for the whole of the 20th Century made certain that their
ideas (the myths) dominated the way we think about these
situations. The very language of modern economics obscures the
moral questions that lie at its heart.
For example, we are
often directed to trust something that is called the free market. If we just let
the
market decide, then everything is alright, we are told. This is a
lie. There is no such thing as a free market. All so-called
markets are based upon rules - that is they are artifical. It is
those who make the rules that win, and the market itself is a
fiction. If you are with the group that makes the rules that
control the markets, then you get to make rules to your advantage and
the disadvantage of those who don't get to make the rules. It's
that simple.
Ordinary Americans
have much more in common with the Third World than we think - and that
is the next part of our story.
*
* *
The 400 richest sit at the peak of hierarchical
organizations. Rule comes from the top down. Wealth gives
power, and power is applied solely to the advantage of wealth.
This is call plutocracy, and even though our newpapers and teachers
speak of the Western democracies, that language, along with the
language of economics, is illusory.
The very rich now meet openly, once a year, in Davros,
Switzerland. In America, there is also a more secret meeting
annually in the Bohemian Grove in California. In these places the
plutoracy, and its very highly paid servants (those who work for the
Council on Foreign Relations and the Trilateral Commission, for
example) meet and discuss their agendas. They even lie to
themselves (with a wink and a nod) using a language which doesn't
really express what they are about. They gather in small groups,
and make mini-conspiracies, for the fact is that they war among
themselves to a great degree. For example, during the 1980's and
and early 1990's (the era of leveraged buyouts), Corporations ate other
Corporations at a very fast rate. They still do, by the way, but
it is seen in the false language of modern economics as consolidation (fewer and fewer
companies control more and more - e.g. the dominance of very few
companies with regard to media).
These are the feudal wars of what some call elite
globalization. They all agree that free trade is necessary, but by
free they don't mean what we mean by free. The freedom they
desire, and are near to achieving, is freedom from any restraint on
their activities applied by a nation state. By this means, the
lords of finanace and their tools the International Corporations hope
to avoid the
great Wars that characterized the 20th Century. For example, the
real current wars are economic battles, and it is China that is in the
best
position to dominate economically in the 21st Century. But China
itself is not really a nation state, but is rather still (even after
the
rise and fall of Chinese communism) a feudal state, divided into
fiefdoms ruled by their own plutoracy (army generals, new monied
capitalists, and old communist party elites). As an already
functioning plutoracy, China is especially well placed to be able to
compete
in the economic feudal wars of the 21st Century.
For the rest of us - for those of us who don't sit in
places
where we get to make the rules - we are the peasant class (serfs) in
these
feudal wars. We will till the soil, make the goods, fight the
wars (when violence is necessary) and live off the scraps. In the
Third World this is fairly obvious, but in America it is less so.
We need to understand and appreciate this next.
Because of the great commercial debt that has been a
consequence of American consumer culture, the local conditions in the
World Economy, which we call the American Economy - [there is really
only one Economy, a World Economy] (3), this American Economy is very
fragile. As long as the foreign owners of our debt (especially
the National Debt which has greatly increased under the 2nd Bush
administration) don't call it due, and continue to lend, we can stay
hard workers and faithful consumers - true materialists. But as
this is being written, the whole situation is destablizing. The
value of the air-dollar is under attack, by those competitors in world
economic feudalism that would like to see their wealth increase at our
expense.
The main reason for the Iraq war (remember we are lied to
constantly, by both Parties), was a struggle to maintain a long term
linkage between oil prices and the air-dollar. As long as this
linkage could be maintained, the air-dollar would not suffer the
deflation common to so many currencies in the last (the 20th)
Century. The financial elites in America, still tied to its
economic fortunes, tried to keep this linkage in a situation where
Saddam Hussein was attempting to link his oil to the euro. This
game, played amist the rules of modern world wide economic feudalism,
led us to war, whose purpose was to physically dominate the region by
controlling the successor government to Hussein, and by establishing
military bases in Iraq.
All the foreign and domestic policies of the 2nd Bush
administration (and the Clinton adminstration before them) are driven
by the moves required to survive in what is sometimes called the great game - the game played by
the elites of wealth for domination. The reasons given are always
lies. Many domestic policies are designed to keep a particular
group in power in Washington, and by this make strong our lords of
finance's Corporate tools, while at the same time keeping the American
people asleep and distracted. Because our First American
Constitution led to national elections, political power has to be won
by determining the outcome of the vote. This is the real struggle
in national elections - not the issues, but the struggle for
power. This is why Gore and Kerry turned out to be such wimps,
once the vote was over, in spite of the obvious influence of fraud and
deceit. The Democrats play the power game too, and give only lip
service to the ideals upon which our form of government was founded.
As a consequence, a devaluation of the air-dollar is
imminent, as is a calling in of at least large portions of the debt
owed to foreign financial institutions. Americans have lived too
high on the hog for too long now, and an end to the party has to be set
in motion. The only struggle is how out of control this adjustment will be. The
control over world events held by financial elites is itself not as
strong as they would like, and a descent into deeper economic chaos
(another great depression) always potential. Keep in mind
that they compete, and only collude out of necessity, if at all.
What they share is the desire and appetite for power and wealth - to
be the Kings and Queens of the modern world. On that basis they
agree to the rules that are advantageous to them as a class, but
otherwise they make war on each other.
This coming adjustment
was anticipated, but there was concern over what would happen in
America, given that more and more people are waking up to these
realities. In anticipation then of the need for this adjustment (air-dollar devaluation,
and debt reconstruction), it was understood that unemployment in
America would make a huge jump, producing very unhappy people, who also
were beginning to see the wizard behind the curtain. The ability
of the
elites to control the domestic situation in America became then a
necessity, and a plan was put in place to foster the so-called War on
Terror, as a means to pass legislation granting the central government
greater powers over civil rights, so that the dissent that would
accompany a serious economic collapse could be managed. (4)
These are very smart people who rule the world, and they
have
had the whole of the 20th Century to put in place their strings of
control and ability to manufacture a coherent web of lies.
They have become very artful in these activities, and are not to be
judged incompetent, even though we may find their morality (or better
its absence) abhorrent.
Let's look a little more closely at how the War on Terror
was
introduced to us.
It makes no difference, for example, whether the
destruction
of the two towers of the World Trade Center on 9/11 was done by these
elites, or they just took advantage of it. Perhaps they just let
the door be open, and waited. Whatever, it is clear that they
were ready to act.
The Patriot Act, at over 300 pages, was already written
before 9/11. Plans were already in place to grant to the
executive branch extraordinary new powers - all that was needed was an
excuse. Odd, isn't it, that when the Act was introduced, the
Congress itself was under direct attack (the so-called anthrax
scare). Driven by fear, the Congress did not even read this bill,
whose main problem is still a basically well kept secret.
There were many ways that our civil rights were diminished in the
Patriot Act, but the most egregious is yet not fully present to our
minds.
To see this we have to take hold of with our thinking the
whole tenor of the Act, as well as the subsequent deeds of the 2nd Bush
administration.
The Act makes a very loose definition of what a terrorist
is:
"Section 802 of the Act, borrowing from the definition of international terrorism contained in 18 USC 2331, creates the federal crime of "domestic terrorism."
Among other things, this section states that acts committed within the United States "dangerous to human life that are a violation of the criminal laws" can be considered acts of domestic terrorism if they "appear to be intended" to "influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion," or "to intimidate or coerce a civilian population."
This provision applies to United States
citizens, as well as aliens." (5)
This definition is so close to what has been for all of our history,
a rich tradition of dissent, it has to be clear that the very purpose
of this legislation was to make it possible to squash dissent during
the coming economic collapse. Further, the 2nd Bush
administration is under this legislation more or less entirely free to
determine itself whether someone is a "domestic terrorist", and if so,
they have already argued, this means that they can be declared then an
enemy combatant, and imprisoned indefinitely and without any recourse
to the courts or other civil rights.
The precedent is trying to be established here that allows the
executive branch to disappear
any America citizens who it chooses. At present in support of
this activity, the Republican Party (the most obvious tool of the
financial lords), is seeking more and more to create a conservative
judiciary, which tame judges then would support whatever suppression of
dissent is needed in the coming years.
We are, through the coming devaluation of the air-dollar, and the
calling in of consumer and national debt, coupled with the conscious
undermining of our civil liberties, well on our way to being more and
more made into a Third World country, as a byproduct of the internal
wars among the callus and indifferent international lords of finance.
The full tyranny of concentrated wealth is near complete, so now we
face the question: What are we to do?
*
* *
What we do is assert our true power.
When the First American Constitution was
written, it rooted itself in certain principles, which principles today
are all the legal prededent we need to do the same act again - to write
a Second American Constituion.
We are the source from which the power of
any sitting government is derived. This is first elaborated in
the Declaration of Independence, wherein it is stated that the only just powers of a
government come from the consent of the governed. This ideal was
later embodied in the First American Constitution, in between two
secure bookends. In the Preamble, it is stated that: We the People...do ordain and establish
this Constitution. Then in the last (the 10th) of the Bill
of Rights (sometimes called the reserve clause) it is stated that:
rights and powers not expressly delegated are reserved to the People.
No where in the First American
Constitution does it speak of the creation of a whole new Constitution,
but only of the amendment of the existing one. This being
the case, then clearly the power to completely replace the original
with a Second American Constitution, is among those powers and rights
which were not delegated and therefore are reserved to the People.
What this means is that we possess the
power (which we must seize and exercise) to change all the rules that
have been used and abused by the lords of finance. We could, for
example, change the underlying laws that have been abused to declare
that corporations are persons. We could, for example, insist that
all legislation have only one purpose and that the name of that
legislation accurately reflect its purpose (no calling an act lessening
the air quality standards, a clean air act, for example). We
could require that all government employees, especially all elected
officials, can only have the same retirement and medical benefits as
ordinary people have. We could create a third legislative house,
whose sole purpose was to undo legislation. We could require that
the public airways be devoted in prime time to keeping an eye on public
officials. We could, we could, and we could....
Is this a daunting task? Yes it
is. We stand on almost the same ground as did those who
wrote and signed the Declaration, and who ended this document with this
pledge: And for the support of this
Declaration,
with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we
mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred
Honor.
Their lives were by this act made at
risk. Can we do anything less?
Our advantage is that we can see that in
spite of all the seeming obstacles, they very nearly succeeded.
Now history comes around again, and says to us: Time to make the next step, having learned
from the past, the errors made by those who went before. Honor
them in all things, especially by taking up their work and moving it
forward - the work of once more seeking to answer the question: How
does a free people govern themselves?
*
* *
Granted there are many questions.
Many people I have had conversations with over the last couple of years
regarding this possibility, react as if the task was too
difficult. Their minds immediately jump to the problems they
foresee, or as often as not, to a kind of cynical attitude that the
American People are in no way qualified or up to such a responsible
work. My view is quite simple. The work is being forced
upon us, and history has shown that when such circumstances arise, in
most cases people rise quite adequately to meet them - even in some
cases exceeding all expectations. Necessity is a harsh mistress,
but at the same time the American People are capable of much when it is
demanded of them. Perhaps that is the first aspect of the task:
To have faith in ourselves.
Let's look at some of the obvious problems.
Some imagine that there will have to be a
constitutional convention (since we did that before). This
is simply a thoughtless reactive assumption. The point,
especially in the beginning, is to first understand the problem we face
living under the tyranny of the lords of finance (concentrated
wealth). Since it remains largely hidden behind a whole complex
of illusory ideas about the true nature of economics and politics, the
very first tasks will require learning to see through the illusions to
the fake wizard hidding behind the curtain.
This is a whole level of work by itself,
although much has already been done. All over the world, in fact,
people are waking up to this war the Rich are making upon the
Poor. In note (6) below, I provide many links. for those who yet
are uncertain. At the same time there is no reason to repeat that
work here. As part of our faith, we can also count on what many
recognize as the principle of synergy. Think globally, act locally is
another version of the same insight. We only have to solve that
portion of the problem that exists right in our own lives and
biographies, while recognizing that others are doing the same work,
such that the total effort will itself exceed our expectations (the
whole is greater than the sum of the parts).
In point of fact, for many years now,
opposition to elite globalization (complete world domination by the
lords
of finance) has been rising. Here are a couple of stories.
In the years 1998 and 1999, an effort was
made under the Clinton Administration to fast track (get congressional
approval without any real review) of a treaty called the Multilateral
Agreement on Investments. The major powers of at least the West
would have
signed this treaty, and the World Bank, with the aid of the
International Monetary Fund, would have forced many Third World nations
to sign as well. Its effect would have enabled the large
movements of air-capital (remember 99% of the World Economy is based
upon fake money created by Central Banks) to enter into a local economy
and dominate its stock markets, as well as dominate the currency
exchanges. The treaty would have prevented local nation states
from enacting laws protecting them from this economic rape.
This plan came to light, and using the
internet various groups, who were waking up to the international shell
game of high finance, began to create a loud campaign among the members
of Congress in opposition. This campaign got very boisterous, and
bombarded Washington with e-mails, petitions and even paid
lobbyists. It worked! Shining the light of the truth so
harshly on this effort to give away more of our national sovereignty,
via the treaty making power of the executive branch, saved us from the
acceptance and signing of this agreement. However, don't think
for a moment the winning of that battle meant in any way the war is
over.
A couple years ago in Cancun, Mexico,
there was a meeting of the World Trade Organization seeking to
establish international treaty norms for agriculture. Its effect
would have been to further steal the rights of farmers world-wide to
feed their own people, and to compete as equals to international
agri-business. International agri-business is, by the way, the
source of about 75% of the polution poured out upon the planet.
Some 40,000 international protesters
gathered in Cancun to speak their opposition to this abuse of power by
the lords of finance and their political lackies as represented by
various governments and other institutional legations attending this
conference of the WTO. The protestors were kept away from
the conference by a triple level fence totally surrounding the
conference site.
On the second day, a South Korean farmer climbed the outer of the three encircling fences and killed himself with a knife. His traditional way of life had alread been destroyed by previous acts of the WTO, and the note he left suggested his life was all he had left to give. This so emboldened Third World legations (once the word got out), that they banded together, and brought the conference to a halt by refusing to cooperate any further with the process. What was additionally delightful, was that the protesters, using home made ropes, and hardware store bought wire cutters, later dismantelled a section of the three levels fence, pulling them over and out of the way. What really startled the waiting protective army of riot guards and cops (with the usual helmets, transparent shields and batons), was that once the wall was down, all the protesters did was sit in the gap, hold hands and sing.
The whole world is waking up to this war
of the Rich upon the Poor, and we in America never hear about it in the
news. Our news didn't even cover the half million who marched in
New York in protest to the Republican Convention in August, 2004.
All the same, an effort in America, to rethink and rewrite the
Constitution will be
met with glad tidings everywhere. Our Constitution is the example
world-wide, and if we even just start to take up the task of changing
the fundamental rules (pulling the rug out) from under the lords of
finance, it will be a beacon seen far beyond our own shores - a light
of hope in a world weary of the abuse of American military power by the
corrupt influence of the lords of finance on American foreign
policy. The world waited for us to throw the 2nd Bush
administration out of office, and we tried and failed. This
effort to write a Second American Constitution, while more long term,
is an even more profound and powerful act than just changing
administrations.
We don't really have to even see how this
task of writing a Second American Constitution is to be carried
out. All we really need do is to understand the idea - to realize
that we have a power that trumps all the other powers arrayed against
us, if we but take hold of it, and exercise it. Once we embrace
the idea, the process of solving all the related problems will begin to
sort themselves out. We are wiser and smarter than we have been
lead to believe by our corrupt political leaders, and all we need to do
is to choose to act and the rest will follow as naturally as Spring
comes and removes all the ravages of a too harsh Winter.
It will occur to many, however, to wonder
about the red and blue states, and how it was that the 2nd Bush
administration was re-elected. This is a grave and deep problem -
the apparent divisions within our society - between left and right,
conservative and liberal and Democrat and Republican.
*
* *
We all know the cliche: actions speak
louder than words. What happens when we look at the actions of
financial and religious leaders and politicians, and ignore their words?
However, in order to do this in a healthy
way, we need to first consider the problem more in the abstract (the
ideal), in terms of the difference between: public and private
virtue. (7) Public virtue would be how people act and
posture, while private virtue would be how they really are,
inwardly. There tends to be a gap in many cases between the two,
and this gap was called in the Gospels, especially in the Sermon on the
Mount: hypocracy. I refer to the Gospels here, because so much of
the posturing of modern leaders concerns a claimed Christian
virtue. It is the political and religious leaders especially
(although many business leaders as well) who put forward an
assertion of Christian virtue, that requires this discussion. Of
course, the hypocracy comes about precisely because, while claiming
Christian virtue, so few clearly follow In His Steps (8).
It is because of the strong assertion of
Christian virtue in public life in the present that the following is
written. I apologise at once to those of other religious and
ethical persuasions, for it certainly is not being asserted here that
Christian virtue is of any higher value than the moral and ethical
standards of anyone to whom Christ is unimportant. Yet, since so
much voice is being given to the idea that the United States is a
Christian nation, and the assertion that only Christians know how to be
virtuous, or what the moral is, it becomes necessary to confont
directly the flaws in this approach, which flaws are clearly recognized
in the Gospels themselves.
The key was given in Matthew 22:21 "So give Caesar's things to Caesar, and
God's things to God" (9). Here is recognized that the
realm of the State is not the same as the realm of the Father.
What could be more clear, and supportive of this Gospel derived
distinction than the First of the Bill of
Rights: "Congress shall make no law
respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof;...". Public virtue and private virtue do
have a basis in fact, although we are right to wonder how to connect
them without hypocracy.
The plain fact is that private virtue, at
least as regards the Gospels, is rooted in a very private relationship
between the individual and the Father, as Christ describes in the
Sermon on the Mount, when He (as a preamble to giving the text of the
Our Father) points to hypocracy of public prayer ["And when you pray, don't be like the fakes
who love to pray standing in the temples and on streetcorners so as to
show off for everybody.", and the virtue of private prayer ["duck into the store room and lock the door
and pray to your Father on the sly."].
Private virtue, from the point of the view
of the Gospels, ought to be centered on the most important command: "You are to love your lord God with all
your heart and all your spirit and all your mind." While
public virtue ought to be centered on the second: "You are to love those close to you as you
love yourself."
Elsewhere I have written of this problem
in this way: "For there is no true
self government, in a political
sense, if there is not an equal proportion of self
governing by
the individual, of himself, in a moral sense." (10). The
more we practice private virtue, the better will be our conduct in the
realm of public virtue; and, the less will be the dissonance
(hypocracy) between the two.
Our measure then of the depth of the
problem here is found in the degree of hypocracy between words and
actions. The words of political, religious and business leaders
show us their posture - their claim of public virtue, but their actions
show us their inner reality - their private virtue.
With this in mind, let us look at some
examples. And, while doing this, keep in the mind the distinction
between public and private virtue, while adding one more concept: the
intoxication and addiction due to power. We, after all, dealing
with human nature, and in many cases a human nature corrupted by the
machinations of the lords of finance. The cliche is that power
corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Behind this
idea lies what we have above named: the intoxication and addiction due
to power, which itself then manifests in the hypocrachy was have noted
with regard to the dissonance between public and private virtue.
Here is a list, put forward in an
imaginative way (but rooted in public fact), by the columnist Paul
Krugman in the New York Times for January 7th, 2005, in his essay Worse
Than Fiction: we are to imagine...
"a famous moralist who demanded national
outrage over an
affair and writes best-selling books about virtue will turn out to be
hiding an expensive gambling habit";
"A talk radio host who advocates
harsh penalties for drug violators will turn out to be hiding his own
drug addiction"
"One senator's diatribe against
gay marriage will link it to "man on dog" sex"
"the president will choose as head of
homeland security a "good
man" who turns out to have been the subject of an arrest warrant, who
turned an apartment set aside for rescue workers into his personal love
nest and who stalked at least one of his ex-lovers"
"a TV personality who claims to stand up for regular Americans against the elite will pay a large settlement in a sexual harassment case, in which he used his position of power to..."
"apologists for the administration will charge
foreign policy
critics with anti-Semitism. But they will be silent when a
prominent
conservative declares that "Hollywood is controlled by secular Jews who
hate Christianity in general and Catholicism in particular "
"the administration will use the slogan "support
the
troops" to suppress criticism of its war policy. But it will ignore
repeated complaints that the troops lack armor"
" The secretary of
defense - another "good man," according to the president - won't even
bother signing letters to the families of soldiers killed in action."
Hypocracy...doing one thing and saying another.
*
* *
In this next section I want to ground what
I write in something of our traditional terminology, which usually
comes to us as liberal and conservative. We have, over
recent decades, gotten very sloppy in our political discourse
(especially by the Media) with how such terms are used, such that the
real matter of value for us, as citizens, has been lost. The
labels have taken on too much emotional content, which really doesn't
belong to them, and which we need to shed if the best thinking is to
aid us in our pursuits of a Second American Constitution.
In order to foster some sense to this next
discussion, I am going to reference three books, which books I believe
any group wishing to think its way deeper into public life should
consider it a matter of necessity to encounter and master. In
this I am not so much putting the books forward as having the best
answers, but rather as having some of the very best questions.
Two books are by clear conservatives, and one by (oddly enough) a
novelist.
These books are: 1) Barry Goldwater's: The
Conscience of a Conservative, publised in 1960; 2) George F. Will's Statecraft as Soucraft: What Government Does,
published in 1983 (which represents an effort on the author's part
to save true conservatism from its misappropriation by self serving
ideologues of the political Right); and, 3) a novel, a work
of the imagination, by Ursula K. LeGuin, The Dispossessed: an ambigious Utopia,
published in 1974. While the former books seems easily allied
with
modern conservatism, they are not, and the latter book is not only not
liberal, it is an effort to imagine a functioning anarchy. What
they really consider from different points of view is the problem of
structure (order) and freedom
(chaos), which, if we contemplate these approaches, will help us
greatly in the future. We need to learn to think in new ways, and
that is the whole point of their inclusion in this book.
By the way, this will not be an academic
discussion, or something suitable for students of political science and
conservative and liberal ideologies upon which to chew. At each
point I will frame the questions in terms of our shared lives, for that
is where the real impact is, and that is the basis upon which we must
choose the future course. For example, what does it mean that we
have rules, enforced by State authority, concerning how vehicles are to
move on our highways, and how does the principle underlying such order
apply to the freedom of the individual to enjoy pleasure, such as
various kinds of intoxicants. It is where such questions
intersect our own differentitated ways of life that we must learn to be
awake, otherwise we
will not be able to see how it is that what we place in any new
Constitution has any personal meaning, for us or for our children.
*
* *
Senator Barry Goldwater (1909-1998) worked out his ideas from some very
simple and basic propositions, out of which he unfolded their
application in a number of ways his liberal contemporaries found
indefensible. The liberals mostly felt this because their
instinct was to fix social problems, while his was to try to hold
together what he understood as the true fabric of the Republic in the
face of what he saw as undermining attacks from both the Left and the
Right.
For example, he was interested in what he
called "the whole man", which
he believed was something spiritual not just something with physical
and economic needs. Each person he conceived of as unique and
with an immortal soul. From this he concluded that the highest
value was individual human freedom. At the same time he
recognized that there is a need for order, which need then leads to
government and political power. The problem then becomes: How do we have social order, yet keep it
within bounds?
For him, this solution was found in one of
its highest forms in the United States Constitution, which is a limited
grant of power from a free people to its government (not a license to
do anything, but a very precise set of instructions to do only certain
things). Among the most significant aspects of this Constitution
was the Reserve Clause, of which the most important aspect for him was
that part which reserved power to the States (above in this book, we
have linked the Second American Constitution to the same clause's
reservation of powers to the People. Here is how the full clause
reads: "Amendment X. The
powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor
prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the States respectively,
or to the people."
Now overriding everything in his view was
this idea, which in a way is a personal moral characterization of the
central issue. He basically saw as opposed to each other,
individual self reliance and State paternalism. In this way then,
the more basic idea of order versus freedom is given a kind of
qualitative emphasis, with freedom being also self relianace, and order
exhibiting a paternalistic abuse of this human need and impulse.
For the State to do what the individual should do for himself, was to
diminish the individual and accrete unjustifiable power to the State.
Recently the cognative scientist George
Lakoff, in his Moral Politics, has described the impulse to modern
conservatism as being rooted in a strict
father metaphor, while modern liberalism was rooted in a nuturing parent metaphor.
Goldwater would have understood this language and argued that both are
wrong because both lead to the paternalistic abuse of the free self
reliant individual by the State. Goldwater would find modern
conservatism to be a horror, at least as is practiced by contemporary
Republicans, a horror even worse than the liberalism of his day.
For Goldwater, States Rights was an
essential aspect of the separation of powers ideas in the
Constitution. This would mean that he would support those States
where Gay Rights were enacted into law, and oppose amending the
Constitution to centralize and override the power of the States to
decide these issues. At the same time, Roe vs. Wade, would have
been wrong for the same reason, except in this case it would have the
Judicial Branch of the Federal Government, not the Legislative (who
initiates Constitutional amendments), that overstepped its
Constitutional limits of power.
He was not opposed to helping people
through welfare programs, as much as he was opposed to centralizing
this activity in the Federal government.
In The Conscience of the Conservative, he
makes a very interesting distinction, between what he calls human or
natural rights and civil rights. Civil rights are those rights
protected by law, while natural rights might include such things as the
right to life. For him, if the right wasn't clearly in the
Constitution, or elsewhere legislatively expressed, it didn't
exist as a civil right, and
therefore couldn't be the basis for a decision by a court.
He also championed private property
rights, but not as intrinsic in themselves, but more as the natural
outgrown of the success of the free and self reliant individual.
While we moderns might in many instances disagree with him, his simple
principles were really not so simple, and their application, when
carried forward stictly and consistently, lead to results that many
found unsupportable. Yet, in our modern age, where the Federal
Government is now intruding into our lives everywhere, we perhaps can
see that as long ago as 1960, when he enumerated his basic views, he
saw clearly the dangers potential in a system in which the central
government drew more and more power to itself. Every act of
liberal social welfare, however well intended, has concentrated more
and more power in Washington D.C. at the expense of the States and the
People. The tail wags the dog.
Let us pause here for a moment and step
back from this view, and ask some questions about it. First is
the process itself valid, namely to set foward certain basic principles
and then reason from them consistently? How would we determine if
the process is valid, and what would it mean that it is? Is our measure whether it works? Or
is it simply enough, that this is how Goldwater wanted to proceed in
his analysis and philosophy?
The point of these questions is to
recognize two subtle but distinct problems. One problem is the
method by which political ideas and values are created, and the second
is how to evaluate those ideas and values in reference to other
competing ideas and values. We will go more into this
later, but just so the reader can have a more concrete concept of what
is being referred to here, let me add the following:
Many people today possess what could be
called an ideology.
This is some kind of organized and perhaps carefully thought out set of
views about politics, which generally contains concepts about how
government should be run, power used and what is the relationship
between the People and the State. For example, the current Bush
administration seems to think that deficit spending is harmless
economically, but anyone following this issue knows that there is much
conflict regarding such a view.
The real problem being pointed to here is
not the conflict of opinions,
but the fact that approaching social problems with a pre-set conclusion
which one is trying to impose on it, ignores any effort toward trying
to actually understand the truth
in the situation. In the example used above this means that the
better question is what is the truth about the consequences of deficit
spending, and not what is our ideological opinion. To better
understand this, let's try an analogy.
Suppose one is a surgeon. If the
surgeon approaches an operation with a pre-set idea ideology that the
patient will survive if properly bled (an old medical idea), this loss
of blood often had the effect of actually killing the patient.
Deficit spending could kill the
patient, for example. The problem then centers on the
differences between and opinion
(a weakly thought out view), and ideology
(a more carefully thought out view) and the actual truth of the matter.
We live in a time where most of what is in
the public dialog is mere opinion
or ideology, and the search
for the truth is hardly given
any value at all. This means that our conversations never come to
ground in a pragmatic way to test their validity, but instead hover
above the social reality in the shape of a confusing fog. In
Goldwater's book, The Conscience of a Conservative, we have a mix of
opinion, ideology and tested truth, and we need to ask ourselves as we
continue to consider matters which belong to a Prelude to a Second
American Constitution: Out of which materials do we wish to build our
next Constitution: opinion, ideology
or pragmatically realized social truth?